Analysis: Trump is leading a revolution. The only thing that can stop him is himself.
By Gary Abernathy
He is chaos and disruption. Just what the world needs.
There is no question that Donald J. Trump was much more prepared for the presidency this time than when he first stepped into the Oval Office following his first victory in 2016.
Trump seldom found his groove in his first term. Maybe it was due to a win that may have even surprised him, or the unrelenting attack by Democrats, Never Trumpers and the far-left (formerly mainstream) media centered largely on the Russian collusion hoax. Or maybe it was allowing entrenched Republicans who were skeptical of him or even opposed to him to heavily influence staffing and cabinet picks.
This time, Trump is obviously much more comfortable in the role and largely focused on a well-planned agenda. He has installed loyalists who for the most part share his objectives. He has mostly avoided allowing the slings and arrows hurled by his adversaries to distract him from his goals.
From forcing passage of the “Big, Beautiful Bill” that both codified his most important campaign promises and rolled back disastrous Biden administration initiatives, to dismantling or cleaning house at entrenched bureaucratic agencies, Trump has been a man on a mission. The speed at which his administration has achieved historic changes has made it that much more difficult for his opponents to stop him.
Trump, as has been noted, is not merely a reformer. He’s a true revolutionary. The extreme changes he is making are frightening in the eyes of some, long overdue and welcome in the opinions of others. Almost singlehandedly, Trump has upended deep-rooted radical liberal agendas on a number of fronts — agendas that often continued to advance even during Republican administrations — and replaced them with his “America First” vision and initiatives from his populist/conservative playbook.
Consistent with his personality, some of his goals border on unhealthy fixations. His recent pronouncement that he will lead a movement to do away with mail voting is a noble idea if done for sound reasons. In-person voting with paper ballots on Election Day — with absentee ballots available for those who attest they will be unavailable on Election Day — worked well for many decades. It’s the best form of voting.
But for Trump, the idea is based on his delusion of having been the victim of fraud in 2020. He and everyone else would be better off if he could move past telling himself that lie.
Trump won in 2016 and 2024 even with mail balloting. It’s true that in 2020 — with covid used as an excuse — mail ballots were expanded to ridiculous proportions and some states even violated their own election rules. But Trump is unlikely to successfully ban voting by mail, and in the meantime he risks hurting Republican candidates by railing against mail-in ballots, as he undoubtedly hurt himself in 2020.
Our democratic republic is holding
It is fortunate for the country that we have in place a U.S. Supreme Court that has in most cases ruled so far in Trump’s favor on various initiatives. Revolutions, by their nature, often involve civil and governmental chaos and unrest. So far, the high court’s general tendency to side with Trump, and a Congress largely approving his actions, have combined to avoid the most strident confrontations that are conceivable between the branches of government and within the population during times of revolution.
Some complain about a compliant Congress and a conservative court, but the general alignment of those branches with Trump has made the ongoing revolution more peaceful and less civilly chaotic than it might otherwise be. The country’s dramatic shift is happening with the general assent (albeit by a narrow majority) of our duly elected representatives, along with judges (at the highest level) appointed or affirmed by our elected leaders. Our democratic republic is functioning — and holding — a hopeful sign in the midst of a revolution.
Still, the sheer magnitude of Trumpian upheaval — leading to an unprecedented number of court challenges — has laid bare just how partisan and activist many of our lower courts have become. The contempt in which many judges clearly hold Trump and his movement comes through loud and clear in their writings in their attempt to maintain the old guard.
Rather than ruling on the constitutionality of a question, judges are too often focusing their decisions on the outcomes of various presidential actions, expressing concerns over classes of workers or beneficiaries of government assistance who might be harmed, programs that might be dismantled, economic consequences that might be realized. None of those things are what courts are supposed to worry about. Those are political and legislative concerns, not issues for judges to consider in deciding whether something is legal or illegal. And yet, such considerations dominate the rulings of left-wing judges.
The judicial dance has become a predictable and needlessly convoluted one. It is tempting to suggest that all questions involving Trump should be allowed to be filed immediately and directly with the Supreme Court, rather than going through the time-consuming winding trek past local judges and appeals courts until finally landing at their inevitable destination for a final ruling.
Controlling his inner man-child
While it is true that Trump is more controlled and focused this time around, he remains too often unforgivably juvenile, a man-child giving in too often to the immature side of that equation. What grown man of nearly 80 calls people such silly and often cruel nicknames? What kind of mature “very stable genius” is so easily swayed one way or another by either the insults or compliments of others?
When Hillary Clinton recently suggested she might nominate Trump for the Nobel Peace Prize if he is successful in ending the Russian-Ukrainian war (with a number of caveats), he said this of the woman whom he has routinely called “Crooked Hillary” and a “nasty woman” who should “be in jail” — “I might have to start liking her again.” Really? That’s all it took to do an about face on Hillary?
Always in question is how much of Trump’s act is shrewdly calculated for effect, how much is pure performance art for entertainment purposes, and how much is a disturbing reflection of a stunted psyche. Those of us who have often defended him hope that the first two suggestions are closest to the truth, while occasionally fearing that the third option might in fact be the reality. It remains a tantalizing thought that the MAGA agenda might only be fully realized when its leader is someone much less inclined toward such public mood swings.
Still, there remains hope that Trump himself will more consistently rise to the occasion, and he has mostly done so during this term. Indeed, he brings characteristics that are positive. He is a natural leader. He knows who he is and is not easily intimidated, especially by his worst enemy, the far-left (formerly mainstream) media. He has demonstrated a force of will that essentially allowed him to remake an entire, well-established political party in his own image and actually expand its appeal.
His heroic reaction to the assassination attempt last year that left him bloodied but unbowed undoubtedly won over some skeptics who decided that even if they didn’t appreciate everything about the man, he is someone of courage and determination.
Despite his widely acknowledged inflated ego, Trump pokes fun at himself and demonstrates a softer side (a sincere interest in ending the deaths that result from war) and an even self-mocking irreverence (the “Trump dance”) that has to make even his haters smile sometimes. Many adversaries are often surprised to come away from private meetings impressed with his personal charm, kindness and humor.
Having remade the GOP, Trump is now remaking the country and, in fact, the world in his image. NATO leaders are figuring him out and learning to work with him. Trumpian imitators have taken power or at least gained influence around the globe. At home, even opponents like California Gov. Gavin Newsom have begun adopting Trump-style declarations and social media posts. Even if some of them are done in overt mockery, they have the unintended result of embracing his style.
A recent and insightful New York Times guest essay on the mimicry and spread of Trump’s speaking style concluded, “The fact that we’re talking like Donald Trump could mean that we’re starting to think like him as well.”
Trump’s agenda includes winning issues
Polls on presidential popularity are, as usual, giving Trump bad marks, but more meaningful are those surveys that find that if the 2024 election was held again today, Trump would once again likely prevail. A Pew study pushed back on a theory by many that if turnout had been higher last November, Kamala Harris would have won. Pew found instead that Trump’s victory would have been even more decisive.
Trump’s tough-on-crime initiatives in Washington, D.C. and elsewhere are political winners, and Democrats are hurting themselves by opposing him on those and on his push to deport illegal immigrants. Democrats might be scoring points with factions within their party, but the broader electorate will hold it against them in next year’s midterms and the 2028 presidential race.
Trump is smart to ignore current polling in pursuit of his broader agenda. When tax-filing season rolls around next spring, voters will realize that the criticisms they’ve been hearing of the “Big, Beautiful Bill” have been more examples of partisan hyperbole. Nearly everyone across the board will be paying fewer taxes thanks to Trump’s bill.
It will be more fun to produce campaign ads for Republicans in the 2026 midterms than trying to conjure them up for Democrats.
“(Insert Republican candidate here) voted to cut taxes on tips and overtime, while (insert Democratic candidate here) voted against cutting your taxes.”
“(Insert Republican candidate here) voted for an extra $6,000 deduction for senior citizens. (Insert Democratic candidate here) voted against helping seniors.”
“(Insert Republican candidate here) supports getting criminal illegal aliens out of the country. (Insert Democratic candidate here) opposes removing criminal illegals from our streets.”
Etc., etc.
The Democratic Party has become the party of “no.” Sometimes, being against something is the right position to take. But a party needs to be seen as having an agenda. An agenda strictly of “no” is a loser.
Republicans are clearly seen as the party for a secure border, for tax cuts (the public is not buying the “tax cuts for the rich” argument routinely made by Democrats), for law and order, and for world peace (Trump has indeed secured historic peace agreements, even as Russia-Ukraine remains elusive).
But those things aren’t what make Trump’s presidency revolutionary. His revolution is based on beating back a radical left movement that prefers socialism over capitalism, humanism over faith and religion, and that successfully took over our media (both news and entertainment) our higher education institutions and our government bureaucracies, where career bureaucrats out-wait and outlast our elected officials as they come and go.
The speed of Trump’s revolution is startling
Trump’s revolution involves: expanding the powers of the presidency; immediately dismantling entire federal agencies; reversing years of creeping “equity and diversity” requirements; using tariffs to remake world trade; using long-neglected laws to round up and deport illegal aliens (sometimes to countries other than their nations of origin); treating the war on drugs like a real war; accelerating AI development in the U.S.; bringing far-left Ivy League universities to their knees as they pony up millions in what amount to fines for their antisemitism, liberal elitism, and DEI initiatives; winning greater defense spending commitments from NATO countries after they balked for decades; and unleashing American energy with a repudiation — almost an annihilation — of the “renewables” movement in a way that was unimaginable just a few short months ago.
These are not incremental changes; they are happening at the speed of light. It’s necessary sometimes to remind ourselves that Trump’s term is barely seven months old, but his revolution is in full force. His changes will be lasting. Even the most devoted liberal, if elected president, would have a tough time justifying the restoration of the bloated bureaucracy that Trump has demolished.
By comparison, Democrats seem stuck in the mud. If there are things that Democrats are said to be “for,” they are causes and issues generally not embraced by the mainstream of Americans. The Democratic Party has become home base for every extreme radical movement. Its mission seems to be to divide us on terms of race, religion, “lifestyle choices” and other causes that most Americans are uninterested in adopting.
“Group think” once meant a tendency for everyone to be coerced into thinking alike. Today, the left wants the world to embrace its particular brand of “group think,” which is based on creating as many disparate groups as possible, identifying each group’s narrow interests and recognizing them as oppressed or sinned-against movements, and then guilting Americans into thinking about them day and night and how we can better cater to the whims of each group.
The majority of Americans exist on the center-right of the political spectrum. Regardless of race, creed, etc., they just want to live their lives in peace with their neighbors without the self-flagellation that the left demands. Trump’s refusal to play the group-think game infuriates the group leaders, whose importance and sometimes livelihoods depend upon the game being played. We should all be kind and considerate to our fellow Americans, including those who are very different than the majority. But most Americans are exhausted with the daily lectures on who they’re supposed to be making amends to or carving out special emotional safe places for today.
Trump’s success depends on his discipline
As noted here before, Trump will continue to do battle primarily with the far-left (formerly mainstream) media. They are his opposition, much more than the Democrats, who are merely propped up by the media to the extent necessary to keep them a viable ballot presence. But Trump is winning the media battle, and fairly handily. If he is personally unpopular to various degrees, his individual initiatives are winning the messaging battle.
With its Trump hatred and constant deranged attacks, the far-left media has destroyed its own credibility. Their influence pales in comparison to years past. Still, the radical left New York Times in particular can still set the agenda for the conversation of the day across all media. Fortunately, there are enough new avenues to message the masses outside the traditional media channels for Trump and other Republicans to use to their advantage.
If Trump continues to mostly control his worst impulses, he has a chance to reset the U.S. politically and even culturally for decades to come, dealing a lasting blow to the radical left movement. But that movement will be vicious in its response, as we already see demonstrated in parts of the country.
To succeed for the next three-plus years, Trump will need to consistently demonstrate leadership and self-control to a degree that too often has eluded him in the past but which so far in this term has been in evidence often enough to make it a pleasant surprise. He will need to hold fast against the remnants of an establishment bureaucracy that will fight tooth and nail to restore at least some of what he has dismantled.
Can Trump stay focused and avoid chasing the shiny objects that often derail him? If he can, this chaotic and unpredictable president will complete his populist/conservative revolution, repelling the radical left to re-empower the traditional center-right coalition and preserve the traditional values that made America the world leader it became.